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Claudio Conforti

jueves, 25 de octubre de 2012

On the Very Idea of Brandom’s Pragmatism


Tadeusz Szubka 

Philosophy Institute, Szczecin University, Krakowska 71-79, PL, 71-017 Szczecin, Poland
 
 
Tadeusz Szubka
Received: 4 February 2010Revised: 12 July 2010Accepted: 15 October 2010Published online: 10 November 2010
Abstract
Although Brandom is critical of some features of narrowly conceived classical pragmatism, at the same time he explicitly embraces a version of pragmatism, both in his overall philosophical outlook, and in his philosophy of language. Brandom’s distinctive theoretical approach is based on what he calls rationalist pragmatism, which is a version of fundamental pragmatism. Within the philosophy of language it takes the form of semantic pragmatism. The paper briefly discusses Brandomian version of fundamental pragmatism and its semantic underpinning, and subsequently formulates a basic dilemma it encounters there.

Neo-pragmatism or New Pragmatism is certainly a very distinctive movement in recent philosophy. There are several outstanding philosophers associated with it, including Hilary Putnam and Richard Rorty.1 Among them there is also Robert B. Brandom, one of the leading American philosophers of his generation. Although he is critical of some features of narrowly conceived classical pragmatism, at the same time he explicitly embraces a version of pragmatism, both in his overall philosophical outlook, and in the philosophy of language. His distinctive theoretical approach is based on what he calls rationalist pragmatism, which is a version of fundamental pragmatism. Within the philosophy of language it takes the form of semantic pragmatism. The paper briefly discusses Brandomian version of fundamental pragmatism and its semantic underpinning, and subsequently formulates a basic dilemma it encounters there. The gist of the discussion will be as follows: fundamental pragmatism is either a vague programmatic idea without specific content, or involves highly contentious claims requiring adequate support. Brandom wants to support it by semantic pragmatism. This view, however, is itself either trivial, or questionable.
Fundamental and Rationalist Pragmatism
Brandom’s pragmatism has explicit affinities both with global pragmatism conceived as a distinctive approach to philosophical questions, and with local pragmatism within the philosophy of language.
To put it very roughly, the distinctive trait of the former is to take human practice as a crucial factor in our theorizing, that is as providing evidence for our theories and constraining them in various ways. Brandom described the former
as a movement centered on the primacy of the practical, initiated already by Kant, whose twentieth-century avatars include not only Peirce, James and Dewey, but also the early Heidegger, the later Wittgenstein, and such figures as Quine, Sellars, Davidson and Rorty (Brandom 2002a, p. 40).
This is certainly a broad construal of pragmatism, since it is not confined to what is known as classical American pragmatism, and its more or less faithful contemporary followers.2 Of course, there will be as many varieties of pragmatism in this broad and inclusive sense, as there are ways of conceiving “the primacy of the practical”, and especially the domain of practice and the practical. For Brandom, even if not, apparently, for many mainstream or classical pragmatists,3 at the center of human practice are characteristically rational activities of seeking and providing reasons. To put it in currently popular jargon, the practical domain is the space of reasons. This enables Brandom to claim that his pragmatism is uniquely rationalist one. As he himself explains:
It is a rationalist pragmatism, in giving pride of place to practices of giving and asking for reasons, understanding them as conferring conceptual content on performances, expressions, and states suitably caught up in those practices (Brandom 2000, p. 11).
The elements of such a rationalist pragmatism can even be discerned in the work of Hegel, although this isprima facie surprising. According to Brandom Hegel is a pragmatist in virtue of “his commitment to understanding determinately contentful empirical conceptual norms as instituted by experience, the process of using those concepts by applying them in practice: making judgments and performing actions” (Brandom2002b, pp. 56 and 233).
For Brandom such a rationalist pragmatism is a tenable version of fundamental pragmatism, that is a general view assigning explanatory priority to knowing how over knowing that. One can also put it in terms of understanding, and say that according to a fundamental pragmatist propositional explicit knowledge should be understood in terms of what one does, in terms of a set of practical abilities. Briefly, for the view in question “explicit theoretical beliefs can be made intelligible only against a background of implicit practical abilities” (Brandom 2002a, p. 46). At first sight this is a plausible position to take, but troubles begin when an attempt is made to specify practical abilities and doings which are supposed to ground and explain theoretical beliefs and knowledge. Given a variety of philosophical positions held by thinkers included by Brandom among global pragmatists, it is reasonable to assume that no distinctive way of specifying practical abilities and doings will be preferred here. Perhaps anything which is performed by us will count as a doing or action, and it won’t be necessary to describe it in some selected vocabulary (e.g. in physical, biological, behavioral, or functional one) in order to invoke it in understanding or explanation of propositional contentful beliefs and knowledge. However, by allowing advocates of global pragmatism such a latitude in this matter, one puts their view at risk of being easily trivialized, since it will suffice to propose an explanation of any phenomenon in terms of processes producing it (e.g. beliefs in terms of believings, representations in terms of representings, wishes in terms of wishings) to be included among pragmatists in this sense. It seems that inclusiveness is achieved here at the cost of making requirements of being a pragmatist very insubstantial indeed.
Brandom might reply to this charge as follows. It is true that fundamental pragmatism is in itself a very broad and unspecific position without any substantial philosophical commitments.4 However, one should remember that his version of fundamental pragmatism is a rationalist one, and this means that there is a class of doings which are unique and deserve special attention. What really matters in the case of humans is what we do with language when we are engaged in the social game of asking for and giving reasons. Here how Brandom elaborates it:
The game of giving and asking for reasons is not just one game among others one can play with language. It is the game in virtue of the playing of which what one has qualifies as language (or thought) at all. I am here disagreeing with Wittgenstein, when he claims that language has no downtown. On my view, it does, and that downtown (the region around which all the rest of discourse is arrayed as dependent suburbs) is the practices of giving and asking for reasons. This is a kind of linguistic rationalism. ‘Rationalism’ in this sense does not entail intellectualism, the doctrine that every implicit mastery of a propriety of practice is ultimately to be explained by appeal to a prior explicit grasp of a principle. It is entirely compatible with the sort of pragmatism that sees things the other way around (Brandom 2009, p. 120).
This linguistic and rationalist pragmatism is combined with the commitment to the idea that human practices of giving and asking for reasons are significantly dissimilar from, and discontinuous with, the uptake and transmission of information by nonhuman animals (Brandom 2000, pp. 2–3).
The linguistic and rationalist version of fundamental pragmatism is certainly a substantial philosophical position, not vulnerable to trivialization. It will be roundly countered not only by those who think that Brandom overemphasize the discontinuity between information processing by animals and human discursive practices, but also by those who believe, like Stanley and Williamson (2001), that knowledge how is simply knowledge that in disguise. Moreover, one may also argue that in the domain of linguistic practices it is impossible to draw a clear distinction between knowledge that and knowledge how, and thus any attempt to ground the former in the latter is doomed to failure from the start.5 Whether Brandom is able to respond to these challenges and successfully defends the primacy of the practical, and hence to show that knowing how has a certain kind of priority over knowing that, seems to depend, to a large extent, on the viability of the view within the philosophy of language which supports this priority. Such a view will be a local pragmatism. Brandom calls it semantic pragmatism and insists that it “enforces a restriction on the vocabulary a semantic pragmatist can use to describe the linguistic practices that establish the association of semantic interpretants with linguistic expressions” (2002a, p. 47). The restriction is that the vocabulary cannot be exclusively intentional. The question of crucial importance is whether there is a defensible version of such a view.
Semantic Pragmatism
Let us notice first that the term “semantic pragmatism” is to a certain extent misleading. The reason is that the view labeled by this term does not especially prize semantics, does not assign it the central role in an account of language, but rather emphasizes that it should be answerable and subordinate to pragmatics. That is to say, semantic pragmatism insists on the priority of pragmatics (a study of the ways linguistic expressions are used) over semantics (a study of the sense and reference of linguistic expressions). As Brandom puts it:
While the meanings studied by semantics may not consist in the roles played by expressions in linguistic practice (meaning need not be identified with use), according to this view those roles must at least establish the connection between contents, meanings or semantic interpretants, on the one hand, and linguistic expressions on the other. The semantic pragmatist’s basic insight is that there is nothing apart from the use of expressions that could establish such connections (2002a, p. 45).
There are at least two claims involved here. Although Brandom does not assume that meaning is just use, he insists that use has explanatory priority over meaning or content. That is, it is use of expressions which determines what meanings, if any, they have. Furthermore, use of expressions may be conceived in broadly functionalist terms: as the roles played by expressions in a wider linguistic practice or game.
The first thing to notice is that the explanatory priority may be understood here in may ways. Following John MacFarlane (2010) at least two of them should be clearly distinguished. One is a rather weak requirement which may be put like this: meanings are assigned to expressions in virtue of their use. Thus it is use which explain why a given expression has a certain meaning, and not the other way round. This leads to the following claim about the relationship between semantics and pragmatics: “Semantics is not conceptually autonomous from pragmatics; semantic concepts get their significance through their relation to pragmatic concepts” (MacFarlane 2010, p. 88). Brandom often encapsulates this dependence in the slogan: semantics must be answerable to pragmatics. As it stands the slogan seems incontrovertible, but it does not have any substantial consequences. One can happily accept it, and still face a choice between an inferentialist account of meaning and a truth-conditional one, as well as between a rationalist version of fundamental pragmatism and any other version of it or, perhaps, any other philosophical view. Thus, as MacFarlane rightly points out, Brandom needs for his purposes much stronger reading of the explanatory priority.
This much stronger reading requires a complete account of meaning in terms of use. Hence perhaps the best way of expressing the core idea of semantic pragmatism is not by way of a vague requirement that semantics must to answerable to pragmatics, but by insisting that “the fundamental semantic concepts can be defined in purely pragmatic terms” (MacFarlane 2010, p. 89). Semantic pragmatism under such construal is certainly a substantial doctrine and a useful tool for elimination of semantic theories which Brandom finds unacceptable. However, its feasibility depends on what those “purely pragmatic terms” are, and especially, how use of expressions may be specified and described.
There seems to be two major options here. First, use may be specified in explicitly semantic terms. For instance, one may describe the use of a given expression by saying that it enables one to refer to a certain item or to express a certain content. This way of proceeding will surely identify and fully describe the meaning of the expression, as well as ensure its definition in terms of use. However, it will achieve this aim at the price of triviality and lack of any explanatory power whatsoever. It will also make semantic pragmatism an empty doctrine. Brandom himself notices this disastrous consequence as he writes: “If one is allowed to use the full resources of semantic vocabulary in specifying the use—describing an operator as ‘used so as to express negation’, or a term as ‘used to refer to Leibniz’, then the requirements of semantic pragmatism will automatically be met” (2002a, p. 45). He also repeats this point in his John Locke Lectures:
The semantic pragmatist’s claim that use confers meaning (so talk of practices or the exercise of abilities as deploying vocabularies) reverts to triviality if we are allowed to talk about “using the tilde to expressnegation,” “the ability to mean red by the word ‘red’,” or “the capacity to refer to electrons by the word ‘electron’,” (or, I think, even intentions so to refer) (Brandom 2008, p. 9).
Thus if one wants to have semantic pragmatism as an interesting and substantial view, one should avoid describing the use of expressions in explicitly semantic terms.
The failure of the first way of specifying use, suggests a radically different approach. One may attempt to grasp and express all intricacies of language use in non-semantic terms, that is, without invoking the notion of meaning or content in identifying, differentiating, and describing varieties of linguistic use. To achieve this one would have to describe use mainly in physical and biological terms. The psychological expressions would be allowed only if they are taken to refer to “psychological states construed in non-representational or non-conceptual terms—behavioural (or more broadly, functional) dispositions of various kinds” (Price 2004, p. 197). If such an austere functionalist description of linguistic use succeeds, one would have all required resources to provide a non-circular and non-trivial account of meaning or content, along the lines recommended by Brandom. Yet it is doubtful whether such a functionalism is an available option for him. Of course, one may be inclined to read in this sprit Brandom’s statement that pragmatism as adopted by him
seeks to explain what is asserted by appeal to features of assertings, what is claimed in terms of claimings, what is judged by judgings, and what is believed by the role of believings (indeed, what is expressed by expressings of it)—in general, the content by the act, rather than the other way around (Brandom 2000, p. 4).
Nevertheless this strategy does not warrant by itself that the act that explains a given content, for instance the act of asserting that is supposed to explain what is asserted, can be specified in austerely behavioural or functional terms, independently of and without appealing to what is asserted. It is sometimes argued that even if it does not provide such a warrant, then at least it does not start with “states already thought of as possessing content”; instead it begins with “something more basic” (Price 2004, p. 197). It seems to me, however, that this is not the best way of putting the matter. For instance, asserting something is rather in no interesting sense more basic than what is asserted; it is presumably a more encompassing and situated phenomenon than the content of assertion, and thus bringing it into play may be useful in specifying and explicating of the content in question. But it is one thing to notice that and insist, as Brandom does, that in explaining meaning or content we cannot confine ourselves to employing “exclusively intentional vocabulary” (2002a, p. 47), and quite another one to endeavor to reduce content to something more basic.
Moreover, Brandom constantly emphasizes that our practice is permeated with normativity. That is to say, almost everything we do is governed by rules or norms. Things we do can be done either correctly or incorrectly, either in consonance with appropriate rules or in conflict with them. And this indispensable and ubiquitous normativity cannot be reduced, Brandom claims, to mere regularity of behaviour, or anything else, for that matter. This is especially true about our discursive and linguistic practice of giving and asking for reasons, which is, in accordance with rationalist pragmatism, the center of our activities. Thus pragmatics to which semantics is answerable has to be essentially normative. It cannot restrict its vocabulary to purely descriptive terms and provide us with an account of our linguistic practice as an activity of making various noises in certain circumstances. Any restriction of this kind, Brandom insists, “renders invisible the very phenomena we discuss under such rubrics as ‘meaning’, ‘understanding’, ‘assertion’, ‘belief’ and ‘intention’” (2002a, p. 49). However, if pragmatics which is supposed to explain semantic properties of our linguistic expressions cannot be confined, even at the most basic level, to an account of our linguistic practice in terms of various noises we make, but rather from the very beginning has to construe those noises as claims or assertions that are in given circumstances appropriately or inappropriately, correctly or incorrectly, made, then one seems to specify and describe them from the very beginning in terms of their semantic properties. If this is indeed so, then presumably there is no interesting and non-trivial sense in which normative pragmatics is able to explain semantics.
Brandom is well aware that normativity poses a challenge for his project of semantic pragmatism. However, he formulates this challenge in terms of the alleged incompatibility of normative pragmatics with naturalism. And he assures his readers that this challenge can be met. That is to say, in describing our linguistic practice one may “distinguish performances that are correct in various senses from those that are not” and “talk of what one commits oneself to or becomes responsible for by producing a speech act”, without depriving oneself of the prospect of “an ultimately naturalistic account of the applicability of such normative assessments” (Brandom 2002a, p. 50). Maybe Brandom is right in his assurance, and normativity can indeed be fully explained in a naturalistic framework. But it is one thing to provide such an explanation, and quite another one to give an account of our linguistic performances and their correctness in non-semantic terms. In other words, one may hold that there is nothing in our speech acts which eludes description and explanation in broadly naturalistic terms, that is, in terms of physical, biological, and social sciences, but insists that in describing them as assertions, questions, promises, etc., or, in Brandom’s preferred normative vocabulary, as commitments we make, to which we are entitled, and for which we are responsible, one has to use explicitly semantic terms, and right from the start talk about their content or significance.
In his more programmatic and dramatic moments Brandom suggests that sooner or later one has to face a choice between semantic pragmatism and semantic platonism. The former “seeks to explain how the use of linguistic expressions, or the functional role of intentional states, confers conceptual content on them” (Brandom 2000, p. 4). The latter reverses this explanatory strategy: it first assigns meaning or content to linguistic expressions, and subsequently tries to explain “how associating such content with sentences and beliefs contributes to our understanding of how it is proper to use sentences in making claims, and to deploy beliefs in reasoning and guiding action” (Brandom 2000, p. 4).6 This choice seems to reflect the more general opposition drawn by John Dewey: between pragmatism and platonism (or intellectualism). For Brandom this opposition amounts to different orders of explanation: “pragmatists appeal to knowing-how in order to explain knowing-that (or, more carefully, saying- or believing-that), and their intellectualist opponents (virtually the entire prior philosophical tradition, they thought) go the other way around, finding principles standing behind every propriety of practice, and rules grounding every practical ability” (2008, p. 40). Unfortunately, this way of arguing for semantic pragmatism refers back to fundamental pragmatism, which in its rationalist version endorsed by Brandom, requires a significant support from detailed doctrines in the philosophy of language and mind, and not the other way round.
The Dilemma and Evasion
Brandom makes clear a number of times that he does not want to be forced to make a choice between a weak version of semantic pragmatism, formulated in terms of answerability to pragmatics, and a strong one, requiring definability of semantic categories in pragmatic terms, or reducibility of the former to the latter. He also does not want to choose between austere functionalist and physicalist specification of use, and a rich account of it in normative semantic and pragmatic terms. His resistance in this matter reflects his conviction that “the proffered alternatives are not exhaustive” (Brandom 2010a, p. 314).
An impressive attempt to justify his conviction is contained in his Oxford John Locke Lectures (2008). He claims there right at the beginning that his primary aim is to defend a form of analytic pragmatism which situates “concern with the meanings of expressions in the broader context of concern with proprieties governing their use” (Brandom 2008, p. xii). However, it is not fully clear what this situating amounts to. The initial idea is simple and fruitful. We begin with a given vocabulary and try to identify some set of practices and abilities sufficient to make a competent use of it and thus determine meanings of its expressions. Of course, these practices and abilities need to be somehow specified in another vocabulary, which is for a given target vocabulary its metavocabulary. In this way one obtains an interesting relationship between two vocabularies. The relationship is semantic but pragmatically mediated one. It is especially pertinent to the project of semantic pragmatism that in many cases pragmatic metavocabularies differ in their expressive powers from corresponding vocabularies to which they are related. Brandom calls this phenomenon “pragmatic expressive bootstrapping”, and notices that there are cases in which a metavocabulary is considerably weaker than its corresponding target vocabulary (it is the phenomenon of strict expressive bootstrapping). He writes:
We are familiar with this sort of phenomenon in ordinary semantics, where sometimes a semantic metalanguage differs substantially in expressive power from its object language—for instance, where we can produce an extensional metalanguage for intensional languages, as in the case of possible worlds semantics for modality (Brandom 2008, p. 11).
Another more controversial example, devised by Brandom himself, is pragmatically mediated vocabulary for indexical vocabulary. One has here a clear case of strict expressive bootstrapping, since “in spite of thesemantic irreducibility of indexical to non-indexical vocabulary, it is possible to say, entirely in non-indexical terms, what one must do in order to be deploying indexical vocabulary correctly” (Brandom 2008, p. 25).7
Nevertheless even if the phenomena of strict expressive bootstrapping were extremely common and unquestionable (which is rather unlikely), they would merely support the idea of mutual interdependence between semantics and pragmatics, that is, their unavoidable entanglement. But it seems that in order to realize his ambitious philosophical project Brandom very often needs something more, namely the explanatory priority of pragmatics over semantics in a strong sense. And this requirement will force him, sooner or later, into a rather uncomfortable position of use specification in terms of austerely functionalist terms, and construction of semantic categories out of this meager material.
Conclusion
It is often claimed that Brandom is a systematic philosopher whose views form a tight theoretical package of mutually connected conceptions. But even in such a package some conceptions must be more basic than others, some views must underpin and support other views, and not the other way round (dependence and interdependence in this respect cannot be perfectly symmetrical on pain of circularity). I have tried to show that for Brandom his local semantic pragmatism is of more justificatory relevance than his global and programmatic fundamental pragmatism. The latter appears to be either trivial or loaded with questionable philosophical assumptions, which requires further support. It seems that some support might be provided by his semantic pragmatism. However, this particular view faces the dilemma of being an unhelpful platitudinous doctrine or theoretically fruitful but implausible conception requiring the reducibility of semantic categories to narrowly conceived pragmatic ones. Brandom has recently made an attempt to evade this dilemma by invoking the idea of pragmatic expressive bootstrapping, but the attempt is not fully convincing.8
Open Access
This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution Noncommercial License which permits any noncommercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited.
References
Baghramian, M. (2008). Three pragmatisms: Putnam, Rorty, and Brandom. In M. U. R. Monroy, C. C. Silva, & C. M. Vidal (Eds.), Following Putnam’s trail: On realism and other issues (pp. 83–101). Amsterdam: Rodopi.
 
Brandom, R. B. (2000). Articulating reasons: An introduction to inferentialism. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
 
Brandom, R. B. (2002a). Pragmatics and pragmatisms. In J. Conant & U. M. Żegleń (Eds.), Hilary Putnam: Pragmatism and realism (pp. 40–58). London: Routledge.
 
Brandom, R. B. (2002b). Tales of the mighty dead: Historical essays in the metaphysics of intentionality. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
 
Brandom, R. B. (2004). The pragmatist enlightenment (and its problematic semantics). European Journal of Philosophy, 12, 1–16.[CrossRef]
 
Brandom, R. B. (2008). Between saying and doing: Towards an analytic pragmatism. Oxford: Oxford University Press.[CrossRef]
 
Brandom, R. B. (2009). Reason in philosophy: Animating ideas. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
 
Brandom, R. B. (2010a). Brandom’s responses. In B. Weiss & J. Wanderer (Eds.), Reading Brandom: On “Making it explicit” (pp. 295–365). London: Routledge.
 
Brandom, R. B. (2010b). Perspectives on pragmatism: Classical, recent, and contemporary. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. forthcoming.
 
Dummett, M. (1993). Origins of analytical philosophy. London: Duckworth.
 
Malachowski, A. (2010). The new pragmatism. Acumen: Durham.
 
MacFarlane, J. (2010). Pragmatism and inferentialism. In B. Weiss & J. Wanderer (Eds.), Reading Brandom: On “Making it explicit” (pp. 81–95). London: Routledge.
 
McDowell, J. (2008). Comment on lecture one. Philosophical Topics, 36(2), 45–53.
 
Misak, C. (Ed.). (2007). New pragmatists. Oxford: Clarendon.
 
Price, H. (2004). Immodesty without mirrors: Making sense of Wittgenstein’s linguistic pluralism. In M. Kölbel & B. Weiss (Eds.), Wittgenstein’s lasting significance (pp. 179–205). London: Routledge.
 
Putnam, H. (2002). Comment on Robert Brandom’s paper. In J. Conant & U. M. Żegleń (Eds.), Hilary Putnam: Pragmatism and realism (pp. 59–65). London: Routledge.
 
Stanley, J., & Williamson, T. (2001). Knowing how. The Journal of Philosophy, 98, 411–444.[CrossRef]
 
Taylor, C. (2004). What is pragmatism. In S. Benhabib & N. Fraser (Eds.), Pragmatism, critique, judgment: Essays for Richard J. Bernstein (pp. 73–92). Cambridge: The MIT Press.
 
Footnotes
1
It is a rather contentious issue what is the best term to describe this movement and which philosophers should be included in it. For instance, in the introduction to an interesting collection of essays by various authors on New Pragmatism, Cheryl Misak (2007) is prepared to follow the suggestion of Ian Hacking and confine the label “Neo-pragmatism” for a radical and subjective version of pragmatism defended by Rorty, while reserving the term “New Pragmatists” for these recent thinkers who are making every effort to carry on the pragmatic tradition in the moderate and objective spirit. Alan Malachowski (2010) is more inclusive in his use of the expression “the New Pragmatism”, and thinks it fits well both Rorty and Putnam. However, he would like to see the disappearance of the term “Neo-pragmatism”, since according to him the prefix “neo” “almost always carries connotations of substandardness, as if the version in question is not quite the real thing” (Malachowski 2010, p. x). My suggestion is to put these misleading terminological idiosyncrasies and seeming connotations aside, and use “the New Pragmatism” and “Neo-pragmatism” as generally interchangeable terms.
 
2
A similarly broad construal of pragmatism has been also proposed by Charles Taylor. He includes in it Heidegger, Merleau-Ponty, Wittgenstein, as well as the great American figures of the last turn of the century who embraced the designation (Taylor 2004, p. 75). For Taylor pragmatism is an approach to philosophical questions that insists on the primacy of practical reasons, on “pragmata” over merely neutral states of affairs. Although extensionally equivalent to Brandom’s broad account of pragmatism, it is presumably different in various details of emphasis. Brandom hints at these differences in his comment on Taylor’s paper (Brandom 2010a, pp. 301–304).
 
3
Brandom (2002a20042010b) has various misgivings about several ideas often taken as constitutive of classical pragmatism. It is arguable to what extent he is right in his criticisms, and to what extent his criticisms are heavily dependent, as Putnam (2002) insists, upon misconstruing classical pragmatism. For an assessment of the disagreement between Brandom and Putnam in this matter see Baghramian (2008).
 
4
In his introduction to 2010b Brandom makes it clear that “fundamental pragmatism” is a relatively loose and elastic description which may be variously interpreted as to fit the methodology of many thinkers.
 
5
This is the line taken by Michael Dummett (see e.g. his 1993, p. 160).
 
6
MacFarlane (2010, p. 94) correctly notices that the term “semantic platonism” is a rather misleading in this context, since among proponents of the anti-pragmatist position denoted by it are Fred Dretske and Jerry A. Fodor whose views have nothing to do with platonism, even in a very loose sense.
 
7
As John McDowell suggests (2008) it is much harder to accomplish this feat than Brandom thinks. When we describe what one must do to be deploying indexical vocabulary, we can refrain from making explicit use of it, but we cannot avoid presupposing it in a more or less implicit way.
 
8
A former version of this paper was presented at the workshop on Robert B. Brandom’s Philosophy of Language, “Towards an Analytic Pragmatism”, University of Genoa, April 2009. I am indebted to Professor Brandom and participants of the workshop for useful comments and stimulating discussion. The financial support of the Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education is also gratefully acknowledged (individual research project no. N N101 317234). The final version of the paper was prepared while I was a fellow-in-residence at the Netherlands Institute for Advanced Studies in the Humanities and Social Sciences. I gladly acknowledge the hospitality of this institution and extremely helpful comments from an anonymous referee which guided me though the process of revision.

martes, 23 de octubre de 2012

In search of the intuitive notion of logical consequence Catarina Dutilh Novaes


After decades of predominant focus on the notion of logical truth, the debate on the
concept of logical consequence among philosophers and logicians was re-ignited by J.
Etchemendy’s book The Concept of Logical Consequence (1990). His main tenet was
that the model-theoretic notion of logical consequence did not capture adequately the
corresponding intuitive notion. One of Etchemendy’s central claims was that the intuitive
notion could be understood essentially from two different perspectives, one
representational and one interpretational – and that the model-theoretic notion failed to
match either.
Some years ago, S. Shapiro (1998) sought to vindicate the model-theoretic notion of
logical consequence; one of his arguments was that the dichotomy
representational/interpretational notion of logical consequence was in a certain way
infelicitous, since, according to him, a faithful rendering of the intuitive concept would
have to have elements of both notions. Clearly, the resolution of issue as to whether the
model-theoretic notion correctly captures the intuitive notion presupposes an at least
minimally adequate characterization of this intuitive notion. Shapiro claimed that
Etchemendy hadn’t really provided such a characterization1, and attempted to formulate
one himself. He further claimed that, thus characterized, the intuitive notion was indeed
correctly captured by the model-theoretic notion (albeit with some adjustements).2
In this paper, I do not discuss Shapiro’s defense of the model-theoretic notion; rather I
examine his contention that the best rendering of the intuitive notion of logical
consequence is what he called the ‘conglomeration’ notion, that is, the hybrid notion that
combines both the representational and the interpretational view on consequence. More
specifically, I claim that such a hybrid view was held by the medieval logician John
Buridan (Cf. Hubien 1976 – henceforth TC), and that this fact offers significant historical
support to Shapiro’s version of the intuitive concept of (logical) consequence.

On the Representation of Context ROBERT STALNAKER Department of Linguistics and Philosophy,


Abstract.

This paper revisits some foundational questions concerning the abstract representation of
a discourse context. The context of a conversation is represented by a body of information that is
presumed to be shared by the participants in the conversation – the information that the speaker
presupposes a point at which a speech act is interpreted. This notion is designed to represent both
the information on which contextdependent
speech acts depend, and the situation that speech acts
are designed to affect, and so to be a representation of context that is appropriate for explaining the
interaction of context and the contents expressed in them. After reviewing the motivating ideas and
the outlines of the apparatus, the paper responds to a criticism of the framework, and considers the
way it can help to clarify some phenomena concerning pronouns with indefinite antecedents.

Arthur Prior and medieval logic Sara L. Uckelman


Abstract

Though Arthur Prior is now best known for his founding of modern temporal
logic and hybrid logic, much of his early philosophical career was devoted to
history of logic and historical logic. This interest laid the foundations for both of his
ground-breaking innovations in the 1950s and 1960s. Because of the important rôle
played by Prior’s research in ancient and medieval logic in his development of temporal
and hybrid logic, any student of Prior, temporal logic, or hybrid logic should be
familiar with themedieval logicians and their work. In this article we give an overview
of Prior’s work in ancient and medieval logic.

“Inference versus consequence” revisited: inference, consequence, conditional, implication Göran Sundholm


Abstract

Inference versus consequence, an invited lecture at the LOGICA 1997
conference at Castle Liblice, was part of a series of articles for which I did research
during a Stockholm sabbatical in the autumn of 1995. The article seems to have been
fairly effective in getting its point across and addresses a topic highly germane to the
Uppsala workshop. Owing to its appearance in the LOGICA Yearbook 1997, Filosofia
Publishers, Prague, 1998, it has been rather inaccessible. Accordingly it is republished
here with only bibliographical changes and an afterword.


Synthese (2012) 187:943–956
DOI 10.1007/s11229-011-9901-0

A Logic of Plausible Justifications L. Menasché Schechter


Abstract.
In this work, we combine the frameworks of Justification
Logics and Logics of Plausibility-Based Beliefs to build a logic for Multi-
Agent Systems where each agent can explicitly state his justification for
believing in a given sentence. Our logic is a normal modal logic based
on the standard Kripke semantics, where we provide a semantic definition
for the evidence terms and define the notion of plausible evidence
for an agent, based on plausibility relations in the model. This way, unlike
traditional Justification Logics, justifications can be actually faulty
and unreliable. In our logic, agents can disagree not only over whether a
sentence is true or false, but also on whether some evidence is a valid justification
for a sentence or not. After defining our logic and its semantics,
we provide a strongly complete axiomatic system for it and show that
it has the finite model property and is decidable. Thus, this logic seems
to be a good first step for the development of a dynamic logic that can
model the processes of argumentation and debate in multi-agent systems.

¿De verdad hay que salvar a la verdad de las paradojas? Comentario crítico a Hartry Field. Saving truth from paradox. María José Frápolli


Introducción y presupuestos
Saving truth from paradox es, como su autor afirma al comienzo del Prefacio, “an opinionated survey of philosophical work on paradoxes of truth and of related notions” (p. vii). Dada la relevancia del tema de la verdad, por un lado, y la extraordinaria influencia que las diversas soluciones a las paradojas semánticas han ejercido sobre el desarrollo de la filosofía del lenguaje y de la lógica en el siglo pasado, por otro, la propuesta de Hartry Field bien merece un comentario que se detenga en los detalles técnicos y sus presupuestos filosóficos. En el comentario que se ofrece a continuación son distinguibles dos niveles de análisis independientes. Un nivel es descriptivo del contenido y las características de la obra, el otro nivel es el nivel de la discusión filosófica del trasfondo teórico en el que se inserta esta obra de Field y de sus consecuencias. Los dos niveles aparecerán entremezclados, pero serán fácilmente identificables.

(Tengo el texto completo del artículo. La Introducción continúa... )

A FUNDAMENTAL FLAW IN AN INCOMPLETENESS PROOF BY GEORGE BOOLOS , James R Meyer


This paper addresses a proof of incompleteness published by George Boolos. An
analysis of this proofs demonstrates that there is an elementary error in the proof;
the proof relies on the unproven assumption that the formal system can self-
reference its own formulas.

1 Introduction
Boolos published his proof of incompleteness in 1989 [2]. It is also to be found in two
books published subsequently [3, 4]. He claims that his proof is essentially di erent from
previously published proofs, since it operates on the principle of Berry's paradox.He claims
elsewhere [1] that his proof provides an essentially di erent reason for incompleteness.
Berry's paradox, of course, is a contradiction that is stated in natural language, which
means that it is stated with a lack of precision of de nition. One might expect that when
a corresponding statement is used as part of a mathematical proof, it would be stated
with su cient precision so that it is evident that there is not a hidden contradiction in
the statement.
However, Boolos's proof does not give a rigorously precise formulation of the Berry
paradox. Instead, he relies on a assumption that the formal system for which he claims
to prove incompleteness can self-reference its own formulas; Boolos provides no proof
of this assumption, and since his proof is entirely reliant on that assumption, his proof
cannot sensibly be called a proof at all. Rather than providing a di erent reason for
incompleteness, as Boolos claims, the proof merely demonstrates that once an assumption
is made that a formal system can have certain types of self-referential statements, the
result of incompleteness is a trivially obtained consequence.

2 Boolos's proof
The outline of Boolos's proof is as follows:
De nition: The language of arithmetic consists of 16 symbols: +, ×, 0, s, =, ¬, ,, -,
􀀀, , ¦, §, (, ), x, and œ.
Assumption: There is an algorithm M that outputs all true statements of the language
of arithmetic and no false ones.
De nition: [n] is the expression that consists of 0 preceded by n quantity of the symbols.
De nition: The formula F(x) is said to name the natural number n if the expression
¦x(F(x) x = [n]) is an output of the algorithm M.
Assumption: There is a formula in the language of arithmetic (i.e., using only the 16
symbols mentioned above) that states (by an appropriate encoding): `x
is a number that is named by some formula containing z symbols'. The
designation C(x;z) is used to refer to this formula.
De nition: B(x;y) is de ned as §z(z < y,C(x;z)).
De nition: A(x;y) is de ned as (¬B(x;y),¦a(a < x􀀀B(a;y))).
De nition: k is de ned as the `number of symbols in' A(x;y).
De nition: F(x) is de ned as §y(y = ([10]×[k]),A(x;y)).
Boolos then de nes a formula that is de ned in terms of this F(x) as ¦x(F(x) x = [n] ).
He asserts that this formula states that `x is the least number not named by any formula
containing fewer than 10k symbols' He then states that this formula cannot be an
output of the algorithm M, but that the formula is actually true. Boolos concludes
that this contradiction indicates that his initial assumption that there is an algorithm
M is incorrect, and that the contradiction proves that there is no such algorithm M.
That completes the proof.

3 Analysis of Boolos's proof
In this proof, Boolos ignores a basic tenet of logic that, in any proof by contradiction, the
contradiction indicates that at least one of the assumptions leading to that contradiction
is incorrect, but it does not specify which one.
Boolos's proof, besides the assumption that there is an algorithm M, assumes that there
is a formula C(x;z) of the language of arithmetic which encodes the expression `x is a
number that is named by some formula containing z symbols'. The formula that gives rise
to the contradiction, ¦x(F(x) x = [n] ), is de ned in terms of this formula C(x;z).
Boolos justi es his assumption regarding the formula C(x;z) by `sketching' the construction
of the formula, as follows:
\Let us now sketch the construction of a formula C(x;z) that says that x is a
number named by a formula containing z symbols. The main points are that
algorithms like M can be regarded as operating on `expressions', i.e., nite
sequences of symbols; that, in a manner reminiscent of ASCII codes, symbols
can be assigned code numbers (logicians often call these code numbers Godel
numbers); that certain tricks of number theory enable one to code expressions
as numbers and operations on expressions as operations on the numbers that
code them; and that these numerical operations can all be de ned in terms of
addition, multiplication, and the notions of logic."
Here Boolos correctly states that one can assign code numbers that correspond to the
16 symbols of the language of arithmetic. He correctly states that one can use the
coding of symbols to assign numbers that correspond to expressions of the language of
arithmetic. And that one can, for any operation on such expressions, by such encoding,
have a corresponding operation on the corresponding code numbers. And that any such
numerical operation can be de ned in terms of basic operations using the +, ×,¬, ,, -,
􀀀, , ¦, § operators. Boolos continues:
\Discussion of symbols, expressions (and nite sequences of expressions, etc.)
can therefore be coded in the language of arithmetic as discussion of the natural
numbers that code them. . . . tricks of number theory then allow all such talk
of symbols, sequences, and the operations of M to be coded into formulas of
arithmetic"
From the above, since each speci c expression of the language of arithmetic is encoded as
a speci c natural number, then it follows that in a statement of the meta-language that
refers to expressions of the language of arithmetic in general, there will be a variable in
that statement that has the domain of expressions of the language of arithmetic. It follows
that upon encoding that statement, the encoding will have a corresponding variable whose
domain is natural numbers.
For example, given the expression `s Proves t', where s and t are variables with the domain
of expressions of the language of arithmetic, then the encoding gives some relation of the
language of arithmetic R(x;y), where x and y are variables with the the domain of natural
numbers (in the format of the language of arithmetic), and which correspond to s and t
respectively.
It also follows that on decoding an expression of the language of arithmetic, since every
variable of the language of arithmetic has the domain of natural numbers, every free
variable of the language of arithmetic will decode to a free variable whose domain is
expressions of the language of arithmetic. For the example above, the relation R(x;y)
decodes to `s Proves t'.

So, Boolos's sketch outline regarding C(x;z) tells us that decoding the formula C(x;z)
gives an expression of the meta-language with two free variables, both of which have
the domain of expressions of the language of arithmetic. However, the expression which
Boolos asserts is the decoding of the formula C(x;z) is the expression `x is a number that
is named by some formula containing z symbols', which has two free variables x and z
which have the domain, not of expressions of the language of arithmetic, but of natural
numbers.
This demonstrates that Boolos's sketch of the construction of his formula C(x;z) fails to
substantiate his claim that that formula encodes `x is a number that is named by some
formula containing z symbols'. Boolos has failed to show that there are valid `tricks of
number theory' that can create an encoding of `x is a number that is named by some
formula containing z symbols' to an expression of the language of arithmetic, and which
also preserves the truth value of the expression.
Boolos's perfunctory justi cation only serves to introduce further assumptions, rather
than provide any logical clari cation. Boolos's claim that he has proved incompleteness
carries no logical validity whatsoever.
References
[1] George Boolos. A Letter from George Boolos. Notices of the American Mathematical
Society, 36:676, 1989.
[2] George Boolos. A New Proof of the Godel's Incompleteness Theorem. Notices of the
American Mathematical Society, 36:388{390, 1989.
[3] George Boolos. Logic, Logic, and Logic. Harvard University Press, 1999.
ISBN: 9780674537675.
[4] Reuben Hersh. What Is Mathematics, Really? Oxford University Press, 1997.
ISBN: 9780195113686.